Questions about the federal government’s roles in the regulation
and evaluation of other sectors are ubiquitous yet rarely correspond to simple
answers. Even in areas for which the government has long since assumed
responsibility for evaluation, such as education, it meets frequent debate over
its size, reach, and duties. For example, many education professionals and
policy makers have criticized the framework which structures the ESEA
reauthorization “No Child Left Behind,” questioning the wisdom of having states
set their own standards while the federal government determines procedure for
reaching standards [1]. In the public education sphere, the need to demonstrate
performance sometimes leads frontline administrators to alter critical tasks to
serve the accountability system’s craving for evidence of success (e.g.
increasing testing), while simultaneously undermining the substantive goals that
the system’s designers hoped to achieve in the first place. There is certainly
a danger in overstating the application of this education-based logic to the
arena of social innovation. Nevertheless, the level of the government’s
involvement in funding and evaluating ventures which aim to make a positive
social impact is a crucial element affecting the future of social innovation,
and potential costs/benefits should be considered.
One factor
harkens back to the old federalism question – should the federal government
assume the main role of fostering social innovation, or should state/local
governments take up the task, using federal funds at their own discretion? The
latter would enable the federal government to play a more limited and defined
role, as Michele Jolin advocates [2]. It could also ensure that evaluative
methods are better tailored to operate in specific contexts, taking into
account the restrictions and advantages of local environments. On the other
hand, this option could limit the pool of intermediaries and philanthropies
with whom social entrepreneurs could form partnerships in the social impact
bond system.
Another
important consideration is the potential for the evaluation process to
constrain innovators in reaching their full potential. Jolin suggests that the federal
government should “invest in tools to determine what works,” but possible
outcomes may be extremely varied and difficult to measure. At least part of
this process should perhaps fall into the control of local actors, government
or otherwise, to support (at a minimum) a slightly higher degree of contextual
specificity when appropriate. Additionally, it might be difficult to
standardize timeline parameters for social innovations to demonstrate success.
Apart from the fact that creating a universal definition of “success” is a
near-impossible task, government evaluation processes run the risk of focusing
too much on short-term, measurable results. It seems that an unintended
consequence of social impact evaluations might be the privileging of social
innovation projects that yield greater “impact” in the short-term. Moreover,
this short-term yield might peter out eventually, or might not be easily
brought to scale even after initial success prompts investment in
infrastructure for the organization. If evaluations employ constraining
timelines, they can exclude social innovations that slowly generate impact over
time, or accidentally promote investment in innovations that produce diminishing
returns.
Bearing all
these considerations in mind, is it possible to determine an optimal level of
government involvement in the evaluation of social ventures, even in specified
locales?
[1] Ravitch, Diane
and John Chubb. “The Future of No Child Left Behind,” Education Next (2009). http://educationnext.org/the-future-of-no-child-left-behind/
[2] Jolin, Michele. “Innovating the White House,” SSIR (2008).